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SPEECH oA . 



V 



HON. ISAAC K-AENOLD, 



July 14, 1864. 



The reception of Hon. Isaac N. Arnold at Metropolitan Hall, last night, was 
an imposing one. The Hall was largely filled, and the utmost enthusiasm pre- 
vailed. 

The meeting was organized by the choice of the following officers: 

President — Colonel C. G. Hammond. 

Vice p/-c-t;(;ra^— Samuel Hoard, P. W. Gates, J. A. Tvrrell, Geo. C. Bates, E. 
A. Storrs, Elliott Anthonv, J. V. Farwell, 0. Bentlev, L. C. P. Freer, Hon. E. 
S. Williams, Hon. J. S. Rumsey, T. W. Baxter, T. M. Averj, A. Wright, Hon. 
Tan H. Higgins, James Long, M. W. Leavitt, Robert Clark, Dr. Paoli, E. C. Lar- 
ned, J. Y. Scammon, G. Leverenz, P. Daggy^ George Fleischmann, Col. J. M. 
Loomis, S. B. Perry, Goorgo Smith, George Vif. Gage, F. Hartman, Francis Pas 
de Loup, J. G. Gindele, F. Frillman, Frederick Letz, John Raber, George Mueller, 
Dr. J. P. Lynn, John Sears, Auijustus Herr, C. N. Holden, Merrill Ladd, John F. 
Beattie, W. H. Reynolds, Hon. F. A. Hoffman, Eli Bates, Edmund Juessen, Iver 
Lawson, Piiilip Steinmueller, H niry Erb, W. W. AUport, W. E. Doggett. 

Secretaries — A. Shuman, L. H. Davis, S. C. Blake. 

REMARKS BY THE CHAIRMAN. 

On taking the chair, Col. Hammond sai(J : 

Ladies and Gextleme.v: Tlae large audience which has gathered here, not- 
-n-hhstanding it is only two days since a large public meeting was held here, 
evinces not only the depth and earnestness of your interest in the great cause 
for which we are contending, but that you have also a special interest in the 
main purpose for which this meeting has been called. 

It is appropriate and proper that c ur Representative in Congress from this 
District, after his long and arduous service, should be called upon to meet his 
constituents and give them a report of his labors as their Representative, and 
his views on the great questions before the nation. The people should ever 
watch their public servants with the closest scrutiny, and while quick to de- 
nounce tlieir misdeeds or shortcomings, should be as prompt and ready to give a 
hearty approval of honest, able and faithful service. Next to the consciousness 
of having done his duty, and his whole duty, the faithful Representative is 
happy in the approval of his constituents ; and he cannot but rejoice to be called 
npon to meet them and render an account of his stewardship. 

It is in this view that the meeting has been called. You will also be addressed 
by other em nent speakers on the questions of the day. 

I rejoice that so large an assemblage is gathered here to welcome Mr. Arnold 
■on his return. I am glad to bear testimony to his able and faithful public ser- 
vices for the last three years. 

In times of extraordinary difficulty and temptation in public life, he has been 
tried and has not been found wanting. Unsullied integrity and unselfish devo- 
tion to the public interests in a Congress like the last, are qualities which the 
people know how to appreciate and honor. 



Mr. Arnold has devoted all his time and talents to the public service, rever 
failing to vote, and to vote ririht. He has made his pLace no sinecure, but one of 
self-denying labor for his constituents and tlie country. 

While his efforts in the special interests of his District have been faithful and 
persevering, he has not ceased to remember that he was the representative of 
the natio7i, but has, by his course in Congress, and his public speeches, acquired 
a commanding influence and reputation before the whole country. 

He has given the most hearty and efficient support to the President and Ad- 
ministration, and'enjoys, beyond a doubt, their confidence and regard. He has 
labored with untiring zeal and ability to supply the means, the men, and the 
measures for the suojugation of this rebellion, and he has been among the fore- 
most in recognizing slavery as its real cause, and in originating and furthering 
every eifort, legislative or executive, for overthrowing that accursed institution 
and utterly extirpating it from the land. 

In such troublesome times, men who have been tried, true men, should be 
kept at their posts, and we owe it to ourselves to ;iive the country the benefit of 
their experience in conducting it through the perils of reconstruction yet to be 
encountered. 

We may well learn a lesson from slavery in Uie past, which never dismissed a 
public servant, a true representative " to the manor born," but claimed his ser- 
vices for a decade, or for life. Slavery deserted and cast off only " Northern 
Doughfaces." 

But I must not detain you further. I shall better fulfill my duty on this Qcca- 
sion by leaving the issues before the nation, as well as the present aspect of pub- 
lic affairs, to the discussion of one fresh from the seat of Government. I will 
therefore introduce to you Hon. Isaac N. Arnold. 

1 MR. ARNOLD'S SPEECH. 

The times are too grave 'for speecli-mnking. I am not here for 
that purpose, but to give you a plain statement of the legislation 
, of Congress, and the present condition of our aifairs. Yesterday, 
when Ave were all feeling such deep anxiety for the Capital, I 
sent to the President this dispatch : 
" To the President of the United States : 

The North-West earnestly requests that half a million more men 
may be called to the field. Illinois is ready to furnish her quota 
without delay. ' Isaac N. Arnold." 

I am quite sure that in this dispatch I gave expression to the 
intense feeling of the loyal masses of our State. 

I appear before you to-night, my friends and fellow citizens, to 
give you an account of my acts as your Representative in the 
Congress of the United States. The occasion will compel me to 
be egotistical. During the three eventful years of the past, with 
all their varied history, our victories and defeats, our bright and 
our gloomy days ; years than which there are none more import- 
ant in all the generations of the past, I have had the honor to 
represent this patriotic, loyal, liberal, generous, great-hearted 
district of the North-West; a people with more of energy and 
determination of character ; with more of pluck and persistence, 
more of that American goaheadativeness, than the same number 
of men elsewhere on the globe. This has been a proud and 
responsible position, and you all have a right to know how I ha-s-e 
discharged my duty. I am here to-night to tell you ; and if in the 
course of my remarks any constituent desires any additional 
information, or wishes to inquire of any fact or vote, I shall be 
glad to bo interrogated, and happy to reply. I thank God, 



fellow citizens, tbat in looking Lack overthe varied scenes of these 
three years, there is no public act of mine of which I am ashamed ; 
nothing for which I do not challenge the most searching scrutiny. 
Doubtfess time has developed many mistakes, many errors ; but 
all my official conduct has been the result of an honest purpose, 
a sincere and earnest desire faitlifuUy to discharge my duty. On 
all the difficult and novel questions upon which, as your repre- 
sentative, I have been called to act, I claim, not infallibility; 
but I claim to have been inspired by an earnest desire to do all in 
my power to aid in crushing this most causeless and infamous 
rebellion, to maintain the liberties of my country, to restore the 
Union, with the cause of all our difficulties (slavery) utterly 
exterminated — to secure an early and lasting peace, by removing 
the cause of the war, and by the most vigorous application of 
force to crush the rebel mihtary power. Such have been my 
aims. My course in the thirty-seventh Congress has heretofore 
been fully explained to you, I have had the proud satisfaction 
of receiving your continued confidence and support manifested 
hy a unanimous re-nomination and triumphant re-election two 
years ago. 

Very early after the rebellion I came to the conclusion, that as 
this war was waged by the rebels, for slavery and against liberty, 
the most effectual and speedy means of securing permanent peace 
was to exterminate slavery. Hence, from the beginning, I have 
advocated and voted for those measures, called very properly 
radical, as going to the very root of our national disease. 

On the 16th of July, 1861, 1 expressed in Congress my opinion 
of this contest, an opinion which time has abundantly verified 
"as a contest between government and anarchy — between law 
and lawlessness — between liberty and slavery — between civiliza- 
tion and barbarism." 

My duties as your representative, as 1 conceived them, may be 
principally embraced in two divisions : 

First, to aid, by every means in my power, in sustaining the 
Government, and in crushing the rebellion and its cause. 

Secondly, in promoting and developing the interests of the 
great North-West and of my own District. 

I will speak of my acts, as thus classified, briefly, and yet 
somewhat in detail. 

First. What has been done to sustain the Government in 
crushing the rebellion, and extirpating its cause — slavery. 

The special session of the thirty-seventh Congress convened 
on the 4th of July, 1861. Its duty consisted in conferring upon 
the Executive the power of crushing the rebellion. Congress 
TOted all the men and money, and more than were asked for by 
the President, It placed the resources of the country at the 
<iisposal of the Government. Congress, during all the time, and 
as often as called for since the rebellion broke out, has voted all 
the men and all the money asked for. No grant of power which 
'the Legislative Department could confer, has ever been withheld 
from the Executive. Every request for more men and more 



money has been promptly voted. In this connection it is due to 
the truth of history to say, that in regard to the mode of raising 
troops, and the number to be raised, and es])eciany in regard to 
the financial_ policy to be pursued, Congress has followed Cabinet 
and Executive suggestions and recommendations, rather than 
itself originated measures. 

Members of Congress have felt great confidence in the ability 
of the late Secretary of the Treasury; and those who have 
doubted and hesitated in regard to his measures, have felt that 
while he had the tremendous responsibility of meeting the unpar- 
alleled expenditures of the Government, and that while that 
responsibility rested on him, it was but just for him when he 
expressed a desire for particular legislation, and expressed confi- 
dence that with such legislation he could carry us safely through, 
but had doubts of success without it, Congress should acquiesce 
and yield its opinions to his ; and Mr. Chase is responsible for 
the financial measures, and entitled to the credit of the financial 
euccess, of the Administration down to the period of his resigna- 
tion. 

SLAVERY. 

From the beginning of the rebellion, the subject of slavery, 
and the treatment of the negroes, and the disposition of rebel 
property, have been the subjects of constant thought and consid- 
eration among those who sustained the Administration, and were 
to some extent responsible for its success. My own views are 
indicated in the title or subject of two speeches which I made in 
the thirty-seventh Congress. The first, delivered on the 17th of 
February, 1862, was upon 

SLAVERY THE CAUSE OF THE WAR AND ALL ITS EVILS. 

In that speech, while appealing to Kentucky to dei3rive the 
rebels of the strength derived from their slaves, I was interrupted 
by Mr. Wickliff"e, who said, " I recommend to the gentleman the 
advice given in Mrs. Gaston's Cooking Book, about cooking a 
rabbit. She says, "the first thing is to catch your rabbit." 
"How," said he, "are you going to get the negroes until you 
conquer the rebels?"* I replied — for the news of the great 
victory of Grant at Donelson had just thrilled our hearts with 
joy — The intelligence of the triumph of our arms at Donelson is 
a reply to the gentleman from Kentucky. The rabbit, or rather 
the snake, is caught. Let us extract its fangs — let us kill, not 
scotch it. 

On the 22nd of May, 1862, I delivered another speech, the 
subject of which was, " Confiscate the Property and Free the 
Slaves of jRehels.'''' I had before that time introduced a bill to 
confiscate the property and free the slaves of rebels, some of the 
provisions of which were embodied in the law passed on that 
subject. My bill was too stringent and too radical for that day, 
although public sentiment has been, by the stern teachings of 
this war, long since educated up to it. 



FREEDOM OE THE NATIONAL CAPITAL. 

©uring the thirty-seventh Congress I had the honor to vote to 
establish freedom at the National Capital. The city of Wash- 
ington shall never more he desecrated by a slave. Since then 
the dome of the magnificent structure in which the people's 
representatives meet, lias been appropriately crowned by the 
statue of Liberty, never, as I trust, to be again stricken down ; 
but to stand there forever as a true emblem of the great principle 
embodied in our national policy. 

PROHIBITION OP SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 

In the winter of 1862 I introduced a bill, now, as amended, 
the law of the land, which secures freedom to all persons through- 
out all the Territories of the United States. In this connection 
I wish to say, that I regarded these measures as the beginning of 
the great work of freeing our country, our whole country, from 
the curse of slavery. Having secured freedom for all the Terri- 
tories, and for the National Capital, I have most earnestly desired 
to see the cursed institution of slavery ended throughout the 
nation, and liberty become everywhere the law of the Republic. 

EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 

I have never ceased to regret, that when the President, in 1862, 
issued his Proclamation of Emancipation — that glorious edict, 
which has stamped forever upon the broAV of Abraham Lincoln 
the name of the "Emancipator of his Country," — that paper 
which shows him to be the true "Apostle of Liberty;" that 
deed which will live when battle-fields and military heroes are 
forgotten — I have never ceased to regi*et that he did not make a 
clean sweep of slavery, and abolish it everywhere throughout the 
Union. 

Possibly he was wiser than any of us — I know he did what 
ho believed to be best. 

The work remains to be consummated ; the death of slavery 
will regenerate the Republic. I would exterminate every slave- 
holder in the land by the destruction of slavery. 

In the thirty-eighth Congress I have labored, with others abler 
far, to complete the great work of abolition. 

NEGRO SOLDIERS. 

I have advocated every measure which had for its object the 
transfer of the negroes laboring for' rebels, into the soldiers of 
liberty, fighting for their own freedom and our National Union. 
I w^ould protect, at any cost, every man, black or white, who 
wears tlie national blue and fights for the old flag. A hlack 
2)atriot is better than a lohite traitor. 

CONGRESSIONAL SANCTION TO THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 

On the IStli of January, 1864, I introduced the following bill^ 
which has been embodied substantially in another which passed 

ConciTess : 



6 

"Be it enacted, etc., That in all the States and parts of States 
designated in said Proclamtitiou as in rebellion, the re-enslaviwg, 
or holding or attempting to hold in slavery any person who shall 
have been declared free by said Proclamation, or any of their 
descendants, otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof 
the accused shall have beeii duly convicted, is and shall be forever 
prohibited, any law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." 

On the 15th of February, 1864, I offered the following resolu- 
tion : 

'■'■Resolved, That the Constitution shouid be so amended as to 
abolish slavery in the United States, wherever it now exists, and 
to prohibit its existence in every part thereof, forever." T 

The resolution was adopted by ayes 78, noes 62. 

This is the first vote ever adopted by the House of Re})resent- 
atives in favor of the entire abolition of slavery. 

On the 14th of March last, impatient of the delay of the con- 
stitutional amendment, and firmly believing that Congress has the 
constitutional power, as a military necessity, and to secure the 
peace and security of the nation, to abolish slavery, I introduced 
" a bill to secure jyermanent peace by rernoving the cause of the 
war.^'' This bill abolishes slavery throughout the United States. 
I have had the pleasure, at this last session of Congress, to vote 
for the repeal of the infamous fugitive slave law, and to vote to 
introduce into the organic law the ordinance of freedom. 

Such is my record on the slavery question. 

The extermination of slavery has been and will be, so long as 
i remain in public life, and while the cursed institution exists, my 
steadfast policy. I will use against it every weapon which my 
hand can seize. I am in favor of destroying it by proclamation 
0,f epiaucipation. I would abolish it by Act of Congress, in the 
Territories, at the National Capital, everywhere. I would turn 
against: it the sword of the soldier, as well as tho laws of confis- 
cation ; I would bring the black fi-eedraen to fight against it. I 
would by all and every means hasten to extirpate this curse of 
the land, this disgrace of the Union, this shajue of the nation ; 
and I would crown all, by so changing the Constitution as to 
make liberty the law, the organic law, of the republic. 

JUSTICE TO THE NORTH-WEST. 

On entering Congress Idetei-mined as far as I was able to accom- 
plish it, to obtain from the National Government justice to the 
North-West. In endeavoring to rise to the full comprehension of 
the duties of your representative, I saw a long line of frontier ex- 
tending thousands of miles ■ — stretching through waters bearing on 
their surface the copimercial fleets of an empire, and all left utterly 
defenseless. I saw harbors from which went to and fro a com- 
merce equalling the entire foreign commerce of our country, that 
commerce neglected and uncarcd for, our harbors filling up, de- 
aaying and utterly without attention from a Government which 
ought to be paternal and fostering. I saw the great food-pro- 
ducing region of our country languishing because it had out- 



grown its avenues to market. On examining the legislation of 
tiie National Government, I Ibund that, while that Government 
had been under the control of the slave power, it had lavished its 
revenues on the South and on the Atlantic, to the neglect of the 
Northern frontier and North-West. I found that of the one hun- 
dred and twelve millions (in round numbers) which had lieen 
expended up to 1860 for forts, arsenals and defenses, improve- 
ments of harbors, etc., while Vii'ginia has received twelve mil- 
lions, Floi'ida ten millions, Louisiana nine millions, Illinois, 
the fourth State in the Union, had received less than one million. 
I resolved to try to correct this, and obtain justice for the North- 
West. The first imitiediate necessity was to make a new mouth 
of the Mississippi into Lake Michigan. This was to be done by 
cutthig through the short portage between Lake Michigan and 
the Illinois. In furtht'rance of this object a select committee 
was raised by the thirty-seventh Congress, of which I had the 
honor to be chairman to report on the needs of the North-west. 
That committee submitted a carefully prepared report, showing 
the growth and importance of the West, and its neglected con- 
dition, and its present needs, and concluded by recommending 
the Ship Canal from Lake Michigan' to the Illinois, and the im- 
provement of the harbors of the Lakes, a naval depot on the 
upper lakes, and shore defenses. The conclusions of this report 
were indorsed by the Military Committee of the House, and the 
Committee on Roads and Canals, and the great measure of the 
Ship Canal failed only for the want of two votes. 

Not willing to give it up, I drew up a call for a National Canal 
Convention at Chicago, procured for it the signatures of ninety- 
eight Senators and members of the House, and a great National 
Convention was held, presided over by the Vice-President of the 
United States, and our great measure was fully indorsed. We 
brought it again before Congress, and it has been again post- 
poned. Possibly it may be postponed until the Avar is over and 
the people again turn attention to the arts of peace and to the 
development of our great country. The way is prepared — the 
l)ublic mind has been called to the subject, ami the public verdict 
has been rendered, that this work is a great commercial, mili- 
tary and political necessity, and only awaits a breathing time of 
the nation from the terrible struggles of this war to be practically 
realized. 

Its friends should not regard these efforts as failures, nor their 
labors as useless. We have at least prejDared the way,' we 
have removed the obstacles, made the argument, and secured the 
verdict of popular and Congressional approval, and only await an 
end of this terrific struggle to carry into execution this magnifi- 
cent enterprise. The President, in his last annual message to 
Congress, communicating the proceedings of the Canal Conven- 
tion, truthfully said that the interest in this enlarged canal would 
ere long force its own way, and that the enlargement was a mere 
question of time. 
'I may add, that we secured at the thirty-seventh Congress, to 



the Nortbern frontier, al^out one million and a half of dollars for 
its frontier defenses; and at the late session of the thirty-eighth 
Congress we obtained |250,000 to repair our lake harbors. A 
few days before leaving Washington, in company with several of 
my associates, we visited the Secretary of War and tiie Secretary 
of the Treasury, and were assured that the aj)propriation should 
be immediately expended. 

PACIFIC RAILROAD. 

I have always regarded the Pacific Railroad, while in the 
broadest sense national, as especially important to the North- 
West and this city of Chicago. Being upon the select committee 
which had it in charge, I was in a jjosition to see that the original 
bill was so framed as to secure the interest of the North-West. I 
trust it is about to be vigorously pushed forward to completion. 

HOMESTEAD AND EMIGRATION LAWS. 

The homestead law and bills to promote emigration have 
always been peculiarly important to the North-West, and such 
laws have been enacted on these subjects as will result in the im- 
provement and rapid development of the Valley of the Missis- 
sippi. In connection with others, I have had the pleasure of 
aiding in the passage of such homestead laws as will secure our 
broad territories to free labor. A home is now by law freely 
oifered to all who will come and occupy the land. At the session 
just closed, we passed a bill applying the homestead principle to 
confiscated estates, and securing to our brave soldiers of every 
race and color, homes from the great plantations of the rebel 
leaders. The policy is to divide the great plantations into small 
farms, and thus secure a loyal people and free labor upon soil 
hitherto cursed with slavery and traitors. 

THE RECIPROCITY TREATY. 

There was at the last session a very strong disposition to ter- 
minate the Reciprocity Treaty. The defects of the treaty, the 
unfair legislation of Canada, and above all, the conduct of the 
British Government during the rebellion, had created a feeling 
towards that nation which could scarcely be restrained. My own 
judgment, in accord with the resolutions of our Board of Trade, 
was for a modification of the treaty, and not in its entire abroga- 
tion, and such was finally the judgment and the action of Con- 
gress. The subject of our relations with the ]>ritish provin- 
ces extending across the entire continent, important and compli- 
cated as they are, and constantly increasing in magnitude, require 
the most careful study and the wisest statesmanship, properly to 
adjust. ' The treaty needs clianges, but I doubt not but that 
upon principles of true reciprocity, it can be made of immense 
value and advantage to both nations. The North-West requires 
all the avenues, both natural and artificial, to market. The Mis- 
sissippi, the Hudson, the New York canals and railways — the 
the Canadian canals and railways, and the St. Lawrence, all are 
needed — the West, with her productive soil, will tax all to their 
utmost capacity. 



CITIZENSHIP TO ALT, WHO FIGHT FOK THE OI-D FLAG, 

I have ever believed tliat all, wherever horn, who fight for 
liberty and our country, should be recognized as brotliers and be 
en tilled to recognition as citizens. Hence, I introduced a bill 
early after the rebellion broke out, and now the law of the land, 
which authoi-izes the early naturalization of all who should 
serve and be honorably discharged from the army. 

THE FUTURE NATIONALITY OF AMERICA. 

There is to grow out of this war the grandest nationality of all 
the ages. The centre of this great nation stretching across a 
continent, is to be in the valley of the Mississippi. It is here that 
the broadest and truest national feeling exists. The bane of our 
country, the mother of secession and rebellion, has been the 
extreme State-right doctrines of Calhoun. We have been Vir 
ginians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders, and not enough 
Atnericans. These local and sectional divisions and prejudices 
are to be washed out in the blood poured out for our one com- 
mon country and one flag ; our one grand continental Republic ; 
and it is not the blood of Americans only, which is to cement the 
foundation of this Republic of the future. All nationalties, the 
native American, the German, the Irish and the Scandinaviaii, 
lovers of liberty from every clime, fighting together, side by side 
for a common cause, pouring out their blood under the same flag 
for liberty, will all unite in establishing one great nfetion, with a 
government founded in justice and securing the rights of all. 
This is, indeed, a great aim to fight for, and it is a glorious cause 
to die for. 

MEN AND MONEY FOR THE WAR. 

Connected with the eflTorts to restore the Union by crushing 
the military power of the rebels, have been the great political and 
financial questions of furnishing the men and money to carry on 
the war. This war is unparalleled in the history of the civilized 
world, for its magnitude and its intensity. It is a struggle 
between liberty and slavery for a continent. It has made im- 
mense drafts upon the people for men, and upon our resources to 
furnish the money. Its final result is dependent on the persis- 
tence, pluck and determination of the people. Will they sub- 
rait to be taxed in men and money to the extent necessary to 
secure success? If they will, the result is as certain as a mathe- 
matical problem. We have the means adequate to secure 
success. The people, and especially the loyal people of this Dis- 
trict, have never hesitated or faltered or doubted. I have always 
felt that I truly represented you while voting all the men and all 
the money asked by the Executive. In raising the moneys, as I 
have before stated, we have necessarily followed the suggestions, 
to a very great extent, of the late distinguished Secretary of the 
Treasury. The system of taxation and finance devised and 
recommended by him, has, to a very great extent, been adopted. 



10 

There are two or three points on this subject to which I wish 
to call your attention. 

DIRECT TAXATION. 

The constitution provides that direct taxation in the States 
shall be in proportion to the census, and not in propoi'tion to the 
valuation of property. Hence its injustice and inequality. It 
would be unjust to tax a family of father, mother and twelve 
children, and no pro[)erty, but dependent on their daily earnings, 
as much as a family of husband and wife, and no children, with 
an income of one hundred thousand per annum. Illinois and the 
Western States have the twelve cliildren, and New England and 
the Eastern States have the income and the capital. On the 
threshold of this question of taxation, in July, 1861, I made a 
speech attempting to illustrate the inequality. A table of popu- 
lation and valuation of States was prepared for me by Judge 
Bell, by which it appeared that the rate of taxation in some of 
the Western States under this system would be as high as four 
and live and even six mills on the dollar, While in New England 
it averaged only from two mills to three mills on the dollar. An 
exposition of this inequality led to an abandonment at that time 
of direct taxation. Several attempts have been made to renew 
it but without success. 

TAXING BANK CIKCULATION. 

In March, 1862, Congress having authorized the issuing of 
Treasury notes, it was obvious that to prevent inflation of prices 
iiud expansion of currency, it was desirable to tax with a view of 
repressing bank circulation. The object of this was three-fold — 
to raise revenue, to suppress to some extent bank circulation, and 
to give room for the circulation of greenbacks. I pi'oposed at 
that time to tax bank circulation one per cent, upon their issues. 
The proposition foiled. The bankers were too strong. On the 
18th day of April last, firmly convinced that the credit of the 
Government could not be sustained without raising more money 
by taxation ; to do this and to keep down the price of gold ; and 
satisfied that the bank circulation should be greatly diminished, 
and that our currency should be greenback as far as practicable, 
I offered for adoption the following resolutions : 

" Resolved, That in the present condition of the country, and its finances, it 
is the imperative duty of Congress to raise the taxes so as largely to increase 
the revenue of the Government. For that purpose a much higher rate of duty 
should be imposed on all luxuries imported from abroad, and a higher rate of 
taxation should be imposed upon all luxuries produced in the United States. 

" Resolved, That tlie expansion of the bank circulation of the country, pro- 
ducing general and ruinous speculation, should be repressed by taxing the 
issues of the State banks." 

These resolutions were adopted. 

Could the legislation suggested m this resolution have received 
the sanction of Congress, it would have preserved our credit, 
reduced the i)rice of gold, diminished bank circulation, and less- 
ened the burthen of taxation. 



11 



THE DRAFT AND COMMUTATION CLAUSK. 

At the beginning of the last session of Congress, many of us 
in Congress became fully satisfied that tlie enrollment law, as it 
then stood, would prove a failure. Ap[)reeiating the importance 
of replenishing our armies, I become satisfied that necessity 
would compel us to resort to an absolute draft, or other more 
stringent means of raising men. Hence, very early in the session, 
I introduced a bill to repeal the commutation clause. It was a 
severe measure, and the country was not, or Congress was not, 
prepared to adopt it. Time passed on, and the temporary expe- 
dient of raising one hundred day^ men was restored to. But, 
finally, the President and Secretary of War sent an urgent com- 
mnuicatiou to Congress, strongly expressing their conviction of 
the necessity of such repeal, and Congress finally yielded, and 
adopted it. 

There were other provisions, such as classification and bounties, 
which in my judgment, should have been adopted; but we were 
compelled to vote for the bill as it passed, or leave the Govern- 
ment without means of filling up the ranks. 

Had the bill passed in December instead of this bill in July, 
200,000 men might have reinforced Grant and Sherman, Rich- 
mond might have been taken, Lee's army have been destroyed, 
and the rebellion substantially crushed. An ofiicer high in the War 
Department expressed to me his conviction that the failure to 
pass that bill in December had prolonged the war for one year. 

THE PRESIDENCY EENOMINATION OP ME. LINCOLN. 

Knowing Mr. Lincoln personally, knowing his perfect integri- 
ty, his unselfish and single-minded devotion to his country, his 
loyalty to liberty and law, I came early to the conclusion that the 
best interests of our country required his renomination and re- 
election. My views on this subject were avowed before leav- 
ing home for Washington lastJSovember. On my arrival at the 
capital I found a combination of members of Congress and other 
intiuenccs opposed to him, such as woivld have overwhelmed any 
man less popular with the people than Mr. Lincoln. But the 
people knew and trusted him, loved and honored him, and the 
most powerful opposition of men, money and the press, embody- 
ing great ability and distinguished names, produced not a ripple 
against the wave of popular feeling, which carried his nomina- 
tion by popular acclamation, against all the opposition which 
could be arrayed against him. 

I know there were some honest radical men who opposed him 
because they misunderstood his devotion to freedom. I sought 
by speeches in Congress, and otherwise, to make the radicals of 
the country know the President as he really is : the A2)0stle of 
Freedom., having but one great object to accomplish, the restora- 
tion of the National Union, based on Liberty. I had faitli in 
such reconstruction. I have faith in the vital principle of liber- 
ty. I have faith in the architect God has provided. I have 



^ 



k 



fiiitli that God will brinor our country through this bloody ordeal 
to peace and National Union. 

SUSPENSIOJiT OF THE CHICAGO TIMES. 

Here I may perhaps be pardoned for noticinj^ briefly a subject 
which has caused great feeling and excitement here, and in re- 
gard to which 1 have been assailed, misrepresented and misun- 
derstood. I refer to the order of Gen. Bnrnside suppressing the 
Chicago Times. 

Tlie thorn in the flesh which the loyal people of Chicago have 
had to bear during the last three years, has been the existence in 
our midst of a lying, traitorous sheet called the Times. It has 
outraged every patriotic feeling, and every loyal sentiment. Its 
business has been to assail every patriot, every gallant soldier 
fighting for the country, and to give aid and encouragement to 
traitors. So inf;\mous has it become tliat it has been excluded, as I 
am told, from your Board of Trade, your Sanitary Commission, and 
from most places where truth, loyalty, and patriotism congregate. 
I believe I have had the honor to be the best abused of all whom 
it has assailed. So far, well. I have to thank its editors for one 
thing. It has never damned me by one word of approval or faint 
praise. 

General Burnside, in the honest indignation of his manly 
heart, issued an order for its sup}u-ession. That order was re- 
voked by the President. The President was petitioned by prom- 
inent and good citizens of Chicago to revoke the order. I was 
requested to join in such a petition. I refused. I was asked to 
transmit their message to the President. This I did, as I do for 
all petitions from a respectable source ; and asked for it his prompt 
and careful consideration. Exactly what I did will appear from 
the following copy of a note addressed to me from the President 
on this subject : 

Executive Mansion, 
Washington, May 27, 1864, 
Hon. Isaac N. Arnold : 

My Deae Sir : 1 hear you are assailed for your action in re- 
gard to General Burnside's order suppressing the Chicago Tbnes. 
AH you did was to send me two dispatches. In the first you joint- 
ly with Senator Trumbull, voi'y properly asked my serious and 
prompt consideration, for a petition of some of your constituents, 
praying for a revocation of the order. In the second you said 
you did 7iot in the first dispatch intend to express an opinion 
that the order should be abi'ogated. This is absolutely all that 
ever came to me from you on the subject. I am far from certain 
to-day that tlie revocation was not right, and I am very sure the 
small part you took in it is no proper ground to disparage your 
judgment, much less to impugn your motives. 

Your devotion to the Union and the Adminstration cannot be 
questioned by any sincere man. 

Yours truly, 

Abraham Lincoln. 



.[ 



13 

This, my friends, is all there is of this matter. I give you the 
facts, and leave you to draw conclusions. While I am not re- 
sponsible for the act of the ProsideIl^, in revoking Bnrnside's 
order, I shrink from no responsibility connected with this affair, 
which properly belongs to me. I apj-rove the act of the Presi- 
dent. I think he did right. I think, infamous as the Times was 
and is, it had better be left to be punished by the civil law and 
the universal contempt and abhorrence of all truthful, honest and 
loyal men, rather than to establish the precedent of suppressing 
it by military force. Let me not be misunderstood. I do not 
doubt the power of the President, if the public safety requires 
it to declare martial law here, and, if the public safety requires 
it, to suppress the Times. I concur with the President in believ- 
ing that the public safety did not requires its suppression by mili- 
tary force in June, 1863. Whether the public safety may re- 
quire it hereafter, will depend on the course of that paper and 
the conduct of the Knights of the Golden Circle, and other trai- 
torous parties, by which it is controlled, and of which it is the 
organ. I will add one word further: Time has indicated the 
wisdom of the President's action. How many an honest Dem- 
ocrat has the traitorous course of the Times driven to our ranks ? 
It did not succeed in provoking a diversion in favor of the rebels, 
in Illinois. 

WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED, AND WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 

In looking back over these three eventful years, in which I 
have had the honor to represent you, the thoughtful mind inquires, 
what has been accomplished^ what have we gained, and tohat of 
the fuhire, and when may toe hope for peace? 

These years are full of thronging, memories of exultation over 
victories, and sadness over repulses and defeats. From the 
spring of i861, when the young hero and martyr, Ellsworth, 
marched his Zouaves through Pennsylvania avenue, and was 
welcomed by the President, down to the present, what a drama! 
It is like some great tragedy, into which have been crowded the 
events of centuries. How often have I seen the young men of 
the country, from the lumbermen of Maine to the prairie boys of 
Illinois, and the West, with generous patriotism, crowding to the 
capital, to defend the old flag. I have seen the armies of the 
Union gather, again and again, around the city of Washington; 
thronging, from valley and mountain, from farms and workshops, 
from office and college, from everywhere, to pour out their blood 
and oft'er up their lives to save the life of the nation. How often 
have I heard their inspiring music, and gazed with pride on their 
burnished arms and their brilliant banners, as they have filed past 
the White House. The President, blessing them and commend- 
ing them to the God of battles, has sent them forth with hope 
and with prayers for their victorious return. How often, amidst 
disaster and defeat in the East, have our hearts been cheered by 
news of Western victories — Donelson, Fort Henry, Vicksburg, 
Murfreesboro and Lookout Mountain, have cheered our hearts, 



14 

when tilings looked davk on the Potomac and in Virginia. 
Through more than three years of varied disaster and success, 
our gallant boys have borne the banner of the Union and liberty, 
but through all there has been steady, persistent advance toward 
final and complete success. Through all this terrific slaughter, 
through all the fearful sacrifice of wounded and dead, reminding 
us of all the sacrifices our country has made to save its existence 
and integrity, we have steadily advanced toward final triumph. 
Illinois and the North- West mourn, in all their homes, for the 
dead of those glorious regiments whose valor and patient, per- 
sistent lieroism opened the 3Iississippi, so that, from its source to 
the gulf, it refl.ects no flag but the old Stars and Stripes. Their 
old, tattered, precious battle-flags — blood-stained and bullet-torn 
— but never surrendered — are mementoes of bloody campaigns, 
and also of absolute triumph in the great Valley of the West. 
The hero of the Mississippi now leads our army to Richmond. 
The glory of the hero of Vicksburg will pale before the renown 
of the conqueror of Lee. More, than half the territory once in 
rebellion has been reclaimed. Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia 
and Maryland are saved, Arkansas, Tennessee and Louisiana are 
now knocking for re-admission at the doors of the Union, purged 
of the sin of slavery. The rebel despotism has exhausted its 
resources of men and material; its last great array has been 
raised, and now confronts the Union forces with the fury of 
desperation. The rebel leaders, fighting with the doom- of traitors 
before their eyes, have staked all upon this campaign ; and that 
rebel army has lost sixty thousand men, since Grant crossed the 
Rapidan. 

How is it with us? Our resources are comparatively undimin- 
ished. The wealth of the loyal North is not perceptibly wasted. 
The fighting men and material are , yet to be counted by the 
million. Besides this, the free policy of the Administration has 
turned the four million of negroes from the rebel to the loyal side. 

ThtiTfi is but one question in regard to our absolute triumph. 
Do the people and their rulers possess the virtue, self-denial, and 
determination adequate to use all these vast and unexpended 
means, and use them wisely, eft'ectively, economically and suc- 
cessfully ? I have faith in the pluck and persistence of the 
American people, and believe that the means they possess will 
be used — will be wisely, efiectively, economically used, and with 
such use, success is as certain as that God reigns. The Almighty 
has forsaken neither our rulers nor our cause. Just as surely as 
the rebel pirate Alabama went down before the Yankee Kear- 
sarge, so surely will this piratical despotism of Jeff". Davis go 
down before the loyal constitutional government of the American 
people. I know the ship of State is tossing on a tempestuous 
sea, but there is at the helm an honest and a true man ; one 
who trusts in God, in truth, in justice, in right, and in pow- 
der and hall. 

Do not change pilots in the midst of the storm. With Lin- 
coln at the helm of state, and Grant at the head of our armies. 



* 15 

supported by the loyal iiiasBes, with the material at their com- 
mand, this rebellion will be cnishcd, and liberty and union be 
re-established on a broader, grander basis than before these fear- 
ful convulsions. Thus far, I have as your re])re8entative, given 
to this Administration my humble, but most earnest and faithful 
support. If you approve my course, and it be your pleasure 
that I shall continue to serve you, in my present position, I 
shall do what lies in my power, in my humble way, ^ to save 
our country and its liberties, and to restore its integ- 
rity. I realize the grave responsibilities resting upon all who at 
this time share the responsibilities of public affairs. If the 
people claim my services, it would be weak and cowardly to 
shi-ink from any position, where they may deem that I may be 
useful. But I feel painfully that no man is equal to the duties 
of this hour of peril. And if it is your pleasure that some 
other and abler representative shall take my position, I shall 
most cheerfully welcome my discharge, and find, I trust, in a 
private stai^n, some place where I can labor for the cause of 



ta^i 



liberty anc^^y country. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. E. C. Larned, from the Committee on Resolutions, reported the following, 
which were unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That we commeud the wise and patriotic action of the Baltimore 
Convention in affirming the choice of the people l)y renominating Abraham Lin- 
coln for the Presidency ; and that we most heartily indotse the ticket and the 
glorious platform of principles put forth by the Convention. 

Resolrcd, That we also approve and indorse the action of the Union Conven- 
tion at Springfield and the nominations there made, and that we pledge our zeal- 
ous support and earnest efforts to insure the triumpliant success of the Lincoln 
and Oglesby tickets. 

Resolved, That the report which has been made to this meeting by the Hon. 
Isaac N. Arnold, our representative in Congress, meets our hearty approval ; 
that we recognize in him an able, honest and faithful public servant, in whom 
the people of this Congressional District may well repose confidence and trust ; 
that we commend his fidelity to liberty and the principles of free government, 
his bold and effuctive advocacy of all the measures for the vigorous [)rosecution 
of the war and the speedy and complete suppression of the rebellion, his able 
and zealous support of the Government, his inflexible integrity in the midst of 
corrupting influences, and the untiring diligence and devotion to duty which 
have characterized his Congressional career. 

copy of tde telegrams referred to in the president's letter. 

Office of U. S. Military Telegraph — War Department. 
The following telegram was received at Washington, 10:30 P. m., June 3, 1863, 
from Chicago, dated June 3, 1863 : 

HoH. Abraham Lincoln, President: 

At a meeting held today in reference to the suppression of the Chicago I'lmes, 
by order of General Burnside, the following was adopted : " Whereas, in the 
opinion of this meeting of citizens of all parties, the peace of this city and 
State, if not the general welfare of the country, are likely to be promoted by the 
suspension or rescinding of the recent order of General Burnside, for the sup- 
pression of the Chicago Times, therefore, Resolved, that upon the ground of 
expediency alone, such of our citizens as concur in the opinion, without regard 
to party, are hereby recommended to unite in a petition to the President, 
respectfully asking the suspension or rescinding of said order." The under- 



{ 



16 '^ 

sigjned, in pursuance of the above resolution, respectfully petition the President's 
favorable consideration and action in accordance therewith. 

Chicago, June 3, 1863. 

Signed, F. C. Sherman, Mayor City Chicago ; "Wm. B. Ogden, E. Van Buren, 
Samuel W. Fuller, S. S. Hayes, A. W. Arrington, Thos. Hoyne, Wirt Dexter, 
Van H. Iliggins, A. C. Coventry, H. A. Hahn, C. Beckwith, Henry G. Miller, 
Wm. F. Tuley. 

We respectfully ask for the above the serious and prompt consideration of the 
President. (Signed) Lyman Trumbull. 

Isaac K Arnold. 

Office U. S. Military Telegraph — War Departmemt. 
The following telegram was received at Washington at 2:30 p. m., June 4th, 
1863, from Chicago, dated June 4th, 18C3: 
President U. S. — Sir: 

In the dispatch sent you yesterday, /did not intend to express an opinion that 
the order suppressing the Chicago Times should be abrogated. 

(Signed) ISAAC N. ARNOLD. 



The following letter is from Hon. John F. Potter, who, it will l^rer.iembered, 
backed down the fire-eater, Pryor, who challenged Potter: ^B 

Lakeside, Wisconsin, July 11, 1864. 
Luther Haven, Esq.: 

My Dear Sir: I know you will pardon me for addressing you upon a subject 
that apparently is "out of my jurisdiction," when I tell you that I feel so deep 
an interest in the matter that I cannot remain silent, although I aai not a resi- 
dent of your Congressional district. And, besides, my want of "jurisdiction" 
is only apparent, for every loyal American citizen cannot but feel a deep interest 
in the character of the men who are to represent us in the next Congress. I 
have learned that there is some considerable opposition to the renoraination 
of Hon. I. N. Arnold. I was with him in the thirty-seventh Congress, and was 
intimately associated with him on committees that had specially in charge mat- 
ters of the greatest importance to the welfare of the North-West ; and I had 
occasion to notice particularly his course as a member of the House. 

There was not a member in the House, within my observation, more devoted, 
vigilant, prompt and watchful than Mr. Arnold. He was untiring, always, in his 
labors to promote the interests, not only of his immediate constituency, but the 
general interests of our whole region of country. I never missed him from 
connnittee. He was always at his post, and " on time," and whether your people 
renominate him or another, your district will not have a more faithful represen- 
tative in all the future than Mr. Arnold. He always voted right, too, on the 
gVeat questions of the day. We always knew just where to find him. 
He was never counted among the doubtful, or lagging, or timid, and was never 
afraid to vote as he thought was right. It is for this that I feel anxious he 
should be renominated. We need such men on the floor of the House. We 
must have them there, or we must expect to have trouble. His experience is 
worth more — very much more — than the vote of any new member, especially ,• 
to his district, and so far as the interests of his immediate constituents are 
concerned. In conclusion I will only add that no gentleman in Congress 
stood higher in the estimation of his colleagues, in every respect, than Mr. 
Arnold. I shall regret very deeply if such as he are not kept in harness. 

Excuse me for troubling you with this letter, but I could not help saying the 
little I have, as I have noticed in the Chicago papers that there is opposition to 
Mr. Arnold's re-nomination. I have written this without any other suggestion 
than the promptings of my own feelings, and as a tril)ute to a colleague whom 
I learned to esteem and respect and appreciate during two years of my Con- 
gressional life. I leave for Montreal to-morrow, or I should be strongly tempted 
to be present when the Convention meets. 

Very respectfully, yours, etc., 

JOHN F. POTTER. 

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